By Swapan Dasgupta
It is bad form to torment the beleaguered. Last
Saturday, however, Narendra Modi’s more committed supporters delighted over the
understated fury of India’s secularist guardians at the elaborate welcome
accorded to the Prime Minister-designate by the Hindu establishment of
Varanasi. What the dejected upholders of the ancien regime found galling was not the puja at the Vishwanath
temple and the Ganga aarti but the
huge media coverage of the occasion. To them, the symbolism was ominous—an
impression reinforced by those who interpreted last week’s unequivocal mandate
as the restoration of Hindu pride after centuries of self-effacement.
Both sides appear to be overstating their version of
the change they anticipate. While sectarian faultlines were clearly visible in
some parts of India, notably in western Uttar Pradesh and Assam, during the campaign,
this election was not centred on a Hindu cultural renaissance. While the
disaggregated data from the opinion and exit polls do suggest a large measure
of ‘Hindu consolidation’, cutting across caste, language and class, it would
erroneous to conclude that this was a religious Hindu vote. On the contrary,
the slogan that gave the BJP its decisive edge was achcha din aane wale hain which was about the future, not the past.
Indeed, by trying to make secularism and the so-called ‘idea of India’ the
theme song of the election, it was Modi’s ‘secular’ opponents who tried to inject
identity politics into the arena. That they failed miserably tells a story.
It is necessary to emphasis what this mandate was not about in order to dispel fears,
particularly among the global fraternity of well-connected liberals, that India
2014 is witnessing a re-run of Germany 1933. Modi may not have secured the
support of Muslim voters but that owed to entirely to a received version of
what he stood for rather than what he said in his 450 odd speeches and how the
campaign was run. In effect, there were two very divergent perceptions of what
this election was about but the final choice was only nominally influenced by
inter-community tensions on the ground.
This isn’t to suggest that Prime Minister Modi will
be a sterner version of Atal Behari Vajpayee. Apart from the differences in
temperament and personality, the nature of the mandate secured by Modi and
Vajpayee are dramatically different. Under Modi, the BJP has secured a clear
majority on its own. This implies that although he will head a NDA Government,
he cannot fall back on either ‘coalition dharma’ or ‘coalition compulsions’ to
explain either under-performance or retreat into expediency. The electorate has
given Modi a stark choice: perform or perish. The ambivalent nature of
Vajpayee’s mandate, ironically, allowed him the luxury of a more easy going
approach.
The sheer weight of expectation and the enormous
hunger for self-betterment makes it virtually impossible for Modi to engage in
either consensus-building or get derailed by extraneous agendas. Ironically,
this suits Modi admirably. Before the verdict, the concern was expressed that a
Chief Minister who led a one-party government and distinguished himself by his
no-nonsense decisiveness would find it difficult to manage a multi-party
coalition where compromises are the order of the day. Nominally, Modi will head
a coalition but it is amply clear that India has reposed its faith in
‘President’ Modi. The Gujarat leader isn’t a first among equals; he is clearly
the boss.
Modi’s willingness to follow the mandate would imply
that many of the old rules of governance will have to be made fit for purpose.
This doesn’t imply that the over-cautious and somewhat obstructionist
bureaucracy will be marginalised and replaced by impetuous technocrats who will
bring a more purposeful work ethic into government. In Gujarat, Modi worked
wonders with the existing bureaucracy, applying the principles of functional
autonomy, accountability and motivation. It is likely that he will operate with
the same template taking care to appoint the right people in the right job and
backing them politically. More than the bureaucrat with integrity it is a
political class accustomed to doling out patronage and freebies that is likely
to be unsettled by Modi’s style. But since the votes were secured in his name,
Modi now has the political authority to redefine the rules of politics.
Where the Modi government could encounter the
resistance of babudom is in the implementation of his promise of “minimum
government and maximum government.” The Congress has left behind a legacy of
over-regulation and discretionary powers that are in urgent need of dilution.
Manmohan Singh promised administrative reforms when he took over but forgot
about it thereafter. If Modi has to let the entrepreneurial spirit prevail and
create opportunities for the Young India that voted for him with such
enthusiasm, he has to make government less bothersome to the citizen. This is
what his mandate has decreed and from which he cannot afford to renege.
Finally, although Modi is confronted with dizzying
expectations, his ability to effect real change on the ground will depend
disproportionately on the willingness of state governments to play ball.
Replacing Centre-State resentment of each other with federal harmony and
partnership will demand discarding the Congress’ one-size-fits-all approach
with guaranteed, non-discretionary grants to the states and affirming the right
of states to control their own architecture of development. The presence of
strong regional parties in Parliament, far from being a hindrance, can actually
speed up the greater empowerment of the Finance Commission and the eventual
irrelevance of the Planning Commission.
If Modi fails to deliver, the argument of non-cooperation
by the state government will not wash with voters. Modi won because he inspired
belief in a strong and vibrant India led by a gutsy leader. To realise that
goal, he has to become the patron saint of regional development, a leader above
politics. Last week, the BJP won on the strength of a national vote. It has to
ensure that regardless of which party runs state governments, Modi will become
a cross-party consensus. This is impossible without the new Prime Minister
taking ownership of a federal makeover.
Hindustan Times, May 20, 2014
No comments:
Post a Comment